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Friday, July 1, 2011

ESSAYS AND REVIEWS
BY
V.SUNDARAM I.A.S.


This book was published in 1993 by Sir.William Jones Institute of Indological Studies, of which I was the Founder Chairman. This Institute has since been wound up on account of financial stringency.

This book was released at a public function at Chennai on 30th October 1993. the Book was released by Late Father Lawrence Sundaram, Former Principal and Head of the Department of English Loyola College, Chennai. The first copy of the Book was received by Bharat Ratna M.S.Subbulakshmi and T.Sadasivam.

M.S. Subbulakshmi and Sadasivam receiving the first copies of the book 'Es­says and Reviews' from Fr.Lawrence Sundaram. Director, Alumni Association, Loyola College, Madras, Author V. Sundaram, looks on.



Shri.T.V.Venkatraman I.A.S. who was Chief Secretary to the Government of Tamilnadu in his Preface to V.Sundaram’s Book observed as follows in 1993:

The finely crafted collection of ESSAYS AND REVIEWS places the reader at the crossroads of the best that can be had on twentieth century history, oriental literature, Tamil Literature and the cultural dialogue between India and the liberal West. For these essays and reviews range across different cultures and disciplines in order to highlight some of the sociological, literary and cultural factors which have helped to shape the modern sensibility.  In fact   some  of Shri V. Sundaram's historical  essays are a   timely response for   making   sense   of   contemporary   affairs,    from   a   truly   international perspective. Again readers have cause to be grateful to Shri Sundaram for his precise documentation of literary activity in the relatively inaccessible areas of Tamil literature. Furthermore, Shri Sundaram has lucid prose style and chronicles the lives of great men like Sir  William Jones,  Jawaharlal Nehru,   Alfred Marshall,   Lord Keynes,   Schumpetter,   Sir  Winston  Churchill, Srinivasa Ramanujam and Sir M. Viswesvaraya, with sympathy and in detail. Actually,   the structure of this volume is essentially historical.  And in the interstices of his chronology are secreted some meaningful pieces of cultural
criticism.

 “I would claim three main merits for Shri V. Sundaram's collection of Essays and Reviews. First, he has a sense of history. For intellectual questions draw not only upon the present but also upon the past, recalling the pleasures afforded by the celebrities who are gone, tracing their influences -whether in matters intellectual or in subject and style. Indeed, in any discussion of style Gibbon and Macaulay are bound to figure as prominently as Winston Churchill, G.M. Trevelyan and Barbara Tuchman. Second, it gives me great pleasure to commend Shri V. Sundaram for maintaining the tradition of the scholar - civil servant. For eminent judges and civil servants like Sir William Jones, Sir Charles Wilkins, Vincent Smith and Hilton Brown had contributed to a tradition, which is worth emulating. Finally, Shri Sundaramfs volume is an inter-disciplinary emphasis on the freedom to inquire and question and to ask the right questions. And this inter-disciplinary approach to life and literature lends a wholeness to the variety of Shri Sundaram's 'Essays  and Reviews'.

                                               T.V.  VENKATARAMAN

Late Shrimati Mathuram Bhoothalingam, noted writer in English and Tamil, wrote as follows in her perceptive Forward to Shri.V.Sundaram’s Book in 1993:

“Sundaram is a man of many talents, in several of which he excels, displaying a fervour rarely seen. He is a topclass administrator; a savant in art and music and possesses an unrivalled curiosity to delve into the history of every interesting subject he comes across. There is about him a wonder, an innocent joy when he recounts some of his discoveries or displays the findings of his search for archaeological treasures.

This book is a collection of essays on many such searches, adventures and satisfying rewards. They mirror his poetic spirit, his trueness and zeal for more and more happy states of mind. Such states — in his own words are — "I feel I am released from gravity though not raised to any inconvenient height-----so released from my body, I feel in the grip of a melodious sequence of sound-----oblivious of my environs and indifferent to everything around me, I feel encased in a capsule of a motionless bubble". Apart from poetry, I can feel some such spirit emerging from most of his essays on history, biography and literature. In social and economic subjects he reveals a sure grasp of fundamentals and broad vision. But even here he does not lose sight of the human element with which these subjects have to be approached — pragmatic as he is.

Such inherent keenness to take active part in whatever he undertakes has given him an overall view of the socio-economic situation in our country which is explicit in these essays. They are penetrating with a sure sense of the future…… “


This book was first reviewed by my revered School Teacher Dr.Indira Parthasarathy in NEWS TODAY in 1993. Dr. Parthasarathy was decorated with the title of Padma Sri by the President of India on the eve of Republic Day on 26 January, 2010. As an outstanding novelist, he has written several novels in TAMIL which have been translated into several Indian and world languages. He has carved a special niche for himself in Tamil literature --- his characters, mostly urban intellectuals, speak very openly and analyze deeply what others say. Most of his novels are set in Delhi, where he lived during his working years, from 1955 to 1986 or in Tiruchirappally or Thanjavur District in Tamil Nadu, where he spent his childhood. He has won several awards including the Sangeeth Natak Academy, Sahitya Academy and Saraswathi Samman Award. He is the only Tamil writer to have won both the Sangeeth Natak and Sahitya Academy Award. He won the Sahitya Academy Award as early as 1970. He is now more than 80 years old.

DR.INDIRA PARTHASARATHY

I am presenting below Dr.Indira Parthasarathy’s Review done in 1993:




PROUST, CARLYLE AND HEGEL ROLLED INTO ONE



“What strikes me most after reading this modestly entitled book "Essays and Reviews", is the immense versatility of the author. He is totally at ease dealing with marbles and well as metaphysics.

This anthology features articles on wide-ranging subjects such as, history, biography, literature, social and economic development and also a few autobiographical sketches. The recurring theme in all these topics is what appears to me Sundaram's nostalgia for the past and his anxiety about the future; in short, he is obsessed with what he describes as 'Madame Time' Let me quote him: ‘Time haunts me like a nightmare. The past with never a beginning, the future going on for ever and ever and the little present in which we live for a second, twinkling between these two black abysses. And the whole trouble with me is that even the present eludes me. I don't know what it really is. I, can never catch the moment as it really passes. I am always for ahead or far away behind, and always somewhere else. My life is all reminiscence and anticipation'.

The above passage, quoted from his 'introduction' to the book, sums up Sundaram. He is Proustean in his objective approach to the past, as golden moments gone for ever; Carlylean in glorifying heroes of a bygone era as men of a nation's destiny and Hegelian, in elevating history to replace God. To him, it appears, history is the arbiter of all values and rightly so.

Sundaram is a poet at heart. It is reflected in all these writings. If poetry is a 'style in thinking', as Elliot says, there is ample evidence in this anthology that Sundaram has his own distinctive and imaginative way in approaching his themes. To quote Sundaram: ‘As important as the art of thinking is the art of imagination. Imagination enlarges vision, stretches the mind, challenges the impossible’. In such diverse subjects as chasing a rogue elephant and a scholarly dissertation on dimensions of poetry, Sundaram brings to bear upon them all his rare talents of encyclopaedic knowledge, imagination and a natural feel for words.

All the essays in this anthology announce the arrival of multi-dimensional scholar and also a poet — could this be a contradiction in terms ---- with an instinctive genius, for discovering the 'astonishingness' in the most common place things which Mrs. Mathuram Bhoothligam aptly describes as 'The Spirit of Wonder'.

In an era of 'aesthetic abundance' unfortunately ushered in by democracy and technological explosion looking for needles in haystacks has become the full-time occupation of a conservative reader, who still clings to the old- fashioned belief that quality is all, I don't feel ashamed to confess that I am a conservative in regard to my reading habits and I am immensely happy, now that I have found a needle.”

Dr.Sridharan, a profound scholar in Hindi, English and Tamil, and Formerly Head of the Department of Hindi in Presidency College in Chennai, also reviewed my Book in November 1993. He has authored several outstanding books in English and Tamil. I have great pleasure in presenting Dr.Sridharan’s Review below.


SUNDARAM'S ESSAYS & REVIEWS - An Appraisal and Appreciation by Dr. N. SRIDHARAN

With apology to Francis Bacon, I classify books into three kinds. Some books are feast to the eyes, others are feast to the intellect, and some few are feast to everything that we are — body, mind and soul. However, there is bound to be some overlapping in the case of books by certain authors who are artistic in outlook, intellectual by training and sensitive by temperament. Books by such gifted writers cannot be cabined, cribbed and caged in water-tight compartments. Mr. V. Sundaram's "Essays and Reviews" is one such book which is a feast to the eyes, a feast to the intellect and a feast to the soul in as much as it is visually pleasing, intellectually teasing and aesthetically satisfying.

Mr. Sundaram's book is pot-pouri of essays encompassing a vast region of knowledge. His abilities in this exploration of knowledge appear to be formidable. He wields a facile pen and he is quite at home in writing on diverse topics — literature, philosophy, economics, politics, personalities, books, education, gender justice, history, art and so on. He is an excellent raconteur too when he relates his impressions of places and people. A kaleidoscopic presentation of a vast range of human feelings and foibles, this book indicates that Mr. Sundaram is endowed with a sensitive mind which dictates to him to write suitably in response to specific persons and events which have aroused his feelings. There are moments of hilarity cheek by jowl with spells of solemnity. Like an aircraft which runs at the ground level for some distance before taking off, some of the essays in this collection start with deceptive simplicity but some sour into rapturous mood with the help of the viewless wings of poetic prose.

If any person wants to wear the mantle of a writer, he must necessarily have something, in fact, a lot of things, to say. There are two main sources of knowledge — direct experience and through books. Mr. Sundaram has taken full advantage of both these sources.

As an officer of the Indian Administrative Service, Mr. Sundaram has had an unlimited opportunity to mingle with all kinds of people — from the rulers of the land to the tillers of the land, from extraordinary persons to the eccentrics. Though one can gain knowledge of human nature by daily concourse with the people around, it will be only scratching the surface. People, whether illiterate or intelligent, do not reveal themselves so easily. All are acting or pretending. There is not much to choose between acting the parts on the stage of a theatre and acting them on the stage of life. Hence, to get acquainted with the subtler shades of the human psyche, one must browse among books. Mr. Sundaram is, in his own words, "an avid collector of books, antiquarian and new for many years" and he has "the instinct and wish to collect books". Reading has made him a full man. Perhaps he acquired more knowledge as a book collector than as a District Collector. As a result, there is an indescribable quality of something evocative, about his work.

To have knowledge is one thing, to be able to communicate it is another. If one is endowed with skills of communication, he can write about anything under the sun —from the sublime to the ridiculous.

Of shoes, and ships and sealing wax,
Of cabbages and kings,
An why the sea is boiling hot
And whether pigs have wings.

All people have something worthwhile to say. But only few people can effectively communicate it. Mr. Sundaram is one of the chosen few. He knows how to say what he has to say any better than many writers. Sometimes, to suit the solemnity of the theme, he weaves his sentences in a spiralling fashion, connecting them with great skill. Some other time he employs what is called a staccato style, in which each sentence stands out clear and detached. His command of words, which are at his beck and call like the spirits of Prospero, is a delight to discerning readers. In each essay one can see that all the words are studied and placed with as much care, as a statue of a saint in his niche. I refrain from making an analytical study of each essay for fear of mutilating them in that process.

To sum up : "Essays & Reviews" by Mr. V. Sundaram is a good book for the writing table, a good book for the library, a good book for the fireside too. In a nutshell, it is 184 pages of undiluted enthrallment. I hope Mr. Sundaram will not nest on his oars and will not consider this book to be the end of a beginning or the beginning of an end but the beginning of a beginning.

If any person wants to wear the mantle of a writer, he must necessarily have something, in fact, a lot of things, to say. There are two main sources of knowledge — direct experience and through books. Mr. Sundaram has taken full advantage of both these sources.


 DR.PREMA NANDAKUMAR

I am beholden to my friend Dr. Prema Nandakumar for doing me the honour of reviewing my book. When I was studying in St.Stephen’s College in New Delhi in my final year M.A. Class, in 1962, one of my friends invited my attention to the study done by Dr. Prema Nandakumar of Shri.Aurobindo’s epic poem ‘Savitri’. Ever since then, I have been an avid reader and admirer of all her writings in English and Tamil. As a literary critic and translator of several great works in Tamil and English, she remains unsurpassed. Though I had the good fortune of reading Professor K.R.Sriinvasa Iyengar’s Classic Work on Indian writings in English in 1964 itself, yet till 1975 I was not aware of the fact that Dr.Prema Nandakumar was his daughter! It is a privilege for me to present Dr.Prema Nnadakumar’s Review dated  21ST APRIL 2011 below:

REVIEW OF THE BOOK BY DR.PREMA NANDAKUMAR

“A rather forbidding dustcover with the firm-jawed Winston Churchill as centerpiece serenaded by eight great personalities (Ramanujan, Visveswarayya, Lenin and Keynes among them) issues a challenge for the reader in Essays and Reviews. But we melt as soon as we move to the foreword by Mathuram Boothalingam. A maternal description of the author as possessing “a wonder, an innocent joy when he recounts some of his discoveries” launches us into seeking the unfamiliar facets of familiar persons.”

“We have here a book for all tastes as we get flagged off by Sir William Jones. We read of his translation of Sakuntalam in ‘A Dramatic Discovery’ also. These foreign friends of India include Lord Curzon.  Warren Hastings not only loved the Gita but spoke prophetically that India’s literary heritage would “survive when the British dominion in India shall have long ceased to exist, and when the sources which it once yielded of wealth and power are lost to remembrance.”  There was Tipu whose “supreme passion was to oust the British from India”.  For us who have suffered much inconvenience throughout the remodeling of the Central Station, ‘The Madras Rail Terminal’ assures us that it was worth the trouble.”

“In spite of the helpful sectional headings, you never know what you are in for in the next page.  We sit serious and sombre in the Madras Legislative Council to hear the great freedom fighter Satyamurti lustily defending Subramania Bharati’s patriotism and suddenly it is time to grin:

“On the Coast of Coromandel
Where the early pumpkins grow
In the middle of the woods
Lived Yonghy-Bonghy-Bo.”

“Sure it is Edward Lear offering us a feast of pelican pie to be eaten under a lotus tree.  Biographical notes on well known personalities like Rajaji and Churchill hold hands with educative flares directed at economists like Joseph Schumpeter, Alfred Marshall and Lord Keynes.  For the lover of history there are four essays on ‘Revolutions & Counter Revolutions’ beginning with the storming of the Bastille. More than two hundred years later, we seem to be looking over an abyss, with Libya as a warning.  Are we going to opt for such revolutions or would we find a peaceful way to transformation?  Sundaram makes a thought-provoking statement at a time when Indians are verbalizing a possible revolution in the light of the terrifying scams at the highest level and the way our motherland is in the suffocating grip of   a couple of families:

 “The basic question before all of us in the world is whether we can take advantage of increasing awareness and knowledge to act together and in time before global problems overwhelm our capacity for dealing with them in an orderly and peaceful manner.  In other words, we are living in one world whether we like it or not and we have to generate institutions capable of regulating and guiding that world.”

John Donne put it well long ago:

            “No man is an island, entire of itself
            every man is a piece of the continent, a part of the main
            if a clod be washed away by the sea,
            Europe is the less, as well as if a promontory were,
            as well as if a manor of thy friends or of  thine own were
            any man's death diminishes me, because I am involved in
          mankind
            and therefore never send to know for whom the bell tolls
            it tolls for thee.”

That brings me to the section of poems which has a fine inversion of Rabindranath Tagore’s prayer for waking into


the land of freedom; and I would recommend the reader to go through  ‘Sectionalism in India’ a couple of times and heavily underline passages for ready reference in his library. Yes, Essays and Reviews is re-readable for it sparkles with a radiant gladness, the need of the hour in the gloom of the present.”

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Note: Those interested in buying the book Essays and Reviews, are requested to send their Order/Request to the following email ID.


The cost of each copy is Rs.750/-+ cost of Postage. The Demand Draft for this amount may be drawn in favour of Ennappadam Educational Publishers and payable at Chennai . The Draft may be sent to the following address:


Shrimathi Padma Sundaram
Flat 2 D, ‘Cedar Park’
No.9, 4th Main Road Extension,
Kottur Gardens, Chennai-600 085
TAMILNADU, INDIA

PHONE: 
COUNTRY CODE: 091 AREA CODE: 044
LANDLINE 4208 7746










Monday, June 27, 2011

DR S P MUKHERJEE,
THE DEFIANT LAMP OF FEARLESS HINDU NATIONALISM-II

 THE SUDDEN AND MYSTERIOUS END OF DR SHYAMA PRASAD MUKHERJEE

V SUNDARAM I.A.S.          

ALL INDIA GENERAL SECRETARY (IDEOLOGY) JANATA PARTY

In PART I of this story I had written about Dr Shyama Prasad Mukherjee, who was a true and fearless nationalist. He died under mysterious circumstances on 23 May 1953 while under illegal detention without a trial in a private home in Srinagar, in Kashmir. It is a known fact that Maulana Nehru had unconcealed contempt for the Hindus of India in general and the Hindus of Bengal in particular. On the other hand his infatuation for the Muslims of both India and Pakistan was total and indivisible. Further, he had a special regard and consideration founded on unrequited love for Sheik Abdullah for a lifetime. At the same time he had nothing but Islamic hatred and evangelical contempt for Dr. Shyama Prasad Mukherjee.

The Liaquat–Nehru Pact was signed by Pakistan's Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan and Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru in New Delhi on April 8, 1950. The pact was the outcome of six days of talks between the two Prime Ministers in Delhi. It sought to guarantee the rights of minorities in both countries after the Partition of India and avert another war between them.

Dr. Mukherjee completely disagreed with Maulana Jawaharlal Nehru on the issue of the 1950 Nehru Pact with Pakistani Prime Minister Liaqat Ali Khan, Dr. Mukherjee was firmly against Nehru's invitation to the Pakistani PM, and their joint pact to establish minority commissions and guarantee minority rights in both countries. He wanted to hold Pakistan directly responsible for the terrible influx of millions of Hindu refugees from East Pakistan, who had left the state fearing religious suppression and violence aided by the Sate. Dr. Mukherjee condemned Nehru's action as a disastrous policy of Muslim appeasement. He was hailed as a great hero by the people of West Bengal.

On 6th April 1950, Dr S P Mukherjee, who was Minister for Industry and Supply, resigned from the Jawaharlal Nehru Ministry as a mark of angry protest against the Indian government's appeasement policy towards Pakistan. In a Cabinet meeting held in the afternoon of that day, Dr S P Mukherjee told Nehru: 'When Muslims in Kashmir were attacked you sent the Indian Armed Forces and spent crores of rupees. What do you care for us Bengali Hindus? What do you care for the criminal assaults on our women?'

This is quoted in a book called 'Soundings in Modern South Asian History' edited by D A Low, published by Weidenfeld & Nicolson, London in 1968. In the same book it has also been reported that Pundit Nehru stood up and began to advance menacingly towards Dr S P Mukherjee. For a moment it looked as if the Cabinet meeting would become a battle field. The other Ministers present tried to pacify Dr S P Mukherjee and Pundit Nehru. When things came to such a pass, Sardar Patel cleverly left the meeting. He was soon followed by other Ministers. Nehru reacted with relief in the following manner: 'Half the Cabinet has gone away. I think the meeting should be adjourned'.

Nehru in 1950 because he came to the firm conclusion that the Government of Maulana Nehru was working Round-the-clock only for the welfare and development Dr.Shyama Prasad Mukherjee resigned from the non-Government of Maulana of Terrorist Muslims of both Pakistan (East and West) and India. Maulana Nehru’s Government was not concerned at all with the Majority Hindus of India. Maulana Nehru had unconcealed contempt and hatred towards all the Hindus of India in general and the Bengali Hindus of undivided Bengal in particular. Dr.Shyama Prasad Mukherjee earnestly felt that the attitude of Maulana Congress Party towards the Hindus of Independent India was in no way different from the attitude of the Muslim League of Mohammed Ali Jinnah towards the Hindus in West and East Pakistan. So in short Dr.Shyama Prasad Mukherjee was shattered and traumatised by the stark fact that the Hindus of India were politically orphaned and put in a rudderless ship on an uncharted sea.
                                                                                                                         
It was in such a mood of righteous indignation arising from the betrayal of the Hindus of India, that Dr.Shyama Prasad Mukherjee felt the imperative national need for creating a new Political Party rooted in the timeless traditions of Sanatana Dharma to protect all the people of India in general and the Hindus of India in particular who had been reduced to the position of political orphans by the essentially pro-Islamic, pro-Christian and virulently anti-Hindu Government of Maulana Nehru. That is how the new Political Party called the Jan Sangh was created by Dr.Shyama Prasad Mukherjee on 21st October, 1951.

Prof. Bal Raj Madhok
Founder General Secretary of Jana Sangh

The inspiring political story of how the Jana Sangh Party was born in New Delhi on 21st October 1951 has been narrated by Prof.Bal Raj Madhok in the October 2008 issue of the Journal Jana Sangh Today. We can see that Dr.Shyama Prasad Mukherjee was elected as the Founder President of the Jana Sangh Party and Prof. Bal raj Madhok as the First General Secretary.




FOUNDING OF JAN SANGH






-Prof Bal Raj Madhok

When the British left India for good after dividing it between Muslim India named Pakistan and Hindu India or Hindustan, they handed over power to Muslim League in Pakistan and Congress in India. Congress, in fact, had got a large number of Hindu votes whom it disowned owing to its claim that the party represented both Hindus and Muslims and not Hindus alone. This was not true. The reality was different. All Hindus who stood for united India, irrespective of their party or panth affiliation, had voted for the Congress, and almost all Muslims had voted for the Muslim League and Pakistan in the crucial election of 1946. This fact was well-known to Gandhi and Sardar Patel. They, therefore, insisted that the non-Congress Hindu leaders such as Dr. Shyama Prasad Mukherjee and Dr. B. R. Ambedkar be included in the government of free India. These leaders worked in close cooperation with Sardar Patel and other Hindu nationalist leaders of the Congress while differing with Nehru on many issues.

The situation became worse after Sardar Patel's illness and the Nehru-Liaqat Pact which left the Hindus of East Bengal to the mercy of Pakisani government. Their persecution and forcible eviction from East Pakistan to India continued. This proved to be the last straw for Dr. Mukherjee. He resigned from Nehru cabinet on 8 April, 1950. His statement on the resignation was given in the Lok Sabha on April 14. It was a historic document in which he forecast that the Nehruvian policies would be disastrous for the nation and might create a situation worse than that before the partition of the motherland. It was widely appreciated by all sections of Hindu society. Citizens of Delhi gave Dr. Mukherjee a reception to facilitate him for his bold and historic step. In his concluding speech Dr. Mukherjee told the audience that the country needed a nationalist and democratic alternative to the Nehruvian Congress. He made an appeal to all sections of Hindu society particularly those connected with Arya Samaj and RSS to extend their support to his proposed party. Soon after the speech, Dr. Mukherjee asked me to write the proposed party's manifesto. I said how could I write it without knowing the people and their ideas who may join it. Dr. Mookeji's reply was significant. He said, "Bal Raj, you have been connected with Arya Samaj since your childhood and know its mind. You have also been associated with RSS since your college days and know its mind. You know my mind too. What more do you want to know? So, go ahead and prepare the manifesto". That was the first concrete step towards the formation of a new party. 

By that time, the new Constitution of India was ready and it was expected that the general election to the Lok Sabha and State Assemblies may be held anytime in 1951.

Meanwhile, the response of Arya Samaj towards the new party was encouraging. However, no response came from the RSS. Knowing its organizational set-up and following among the youth, Dr. Mukherjee was keen to get a positive reply from RSS. When no response was forthcoming, he decided to go ahead with his proposed party without any further delay. He returned to Calcutta and held a meeting of his supporters and announced the formation of a new party called 'Indian Peoples Party'. It got wide publicity in the media. 

The announcement of a new party created a stir in the RSS. Already, its leadership had felt the need of political support at the time of its ban by the Congress after Gandhi murder. It, therefore, asked me to convey to Dr. Mukherjee RSS' willingness to extend support to Indian Peoples Party. Its leadership also suggested its preference for a Kesari flag and a Hindi name for the new party. The names suggested by it were Bhartiya Lok Sangh and Bharitya Jan Sangh. Dr. Mukherjee preferred Jan Sangh over Lok Sangh as Lok implies crowd while Jan means people and a closer association with motherland. This marked the beginning of the foundation of Bhartiya Jan Sangh as a national party. 

Jan Sangh's foundation convention was convened under my convenorship at New Delhi on 21st October, 1951. Here Dr. Mukherjee was chosen its National President and I was appointed its National Secretary. Pt. Mauli Chandra Sharma and Bhai Mahavir were formally nominated as its general secretaries. But Bhai Mahavir never took charge of his office and Pt. Sharma became inactive after his defeat in the Lok Sabha election from Delhi. 

Within two months of Jan Sangh's formation, the election to the Lok Sabha were declared. Realising the importance of Dr. Mukherjee, Prime Minister Nehru consistently targeted Jan Sangh and Dr. Mukherjee in his election speeches. This proved to be a blessing in disguise as it gave Jan Sangh and its President much wider publicity than anticipated. This became clear when the results were out. Jan Sangh not only won three Lok Sabha seats but also gained recognition as a national party by getting three per cent of the total votes polled. Its three elected members to the Lak Sabha were Dr. Mukherjee and Shri Bandhopadhyaya from West. Bengal and Barrister Uma Shankar Trivedi from Chittor. Jan Sangh emerged as the fourth national political party after the Congress, the Communist Party and the Socialist Party. 

The national status of Jan Sangh together with the growing importance of Dr. Mukherjee both within and outside Parliament marked the emergence of Jan Sangh as a truly national and democratic alternative to the Nehruvian Congress. This was the real foundation of Jan Sangh which steadily grew to be the real alternative to the Congress both in letter and spirit.


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In the General Elections of 1952, Dr.Shyama Prasad Mukherjee was elected as MP. In New Delhi alone, the Jana Sangh Party won 3 seats. In his capacity as president of the Jan Sangh, Dr S P Mukherjee was elected as leader of the National Democratic Group in the Lok Sabha when he entered Parliament after the general elections in 1952. Nehru was known for his violent bursts of temper and cherished the hallucination that any gregarious 'loss' of his temper meant a glorious 'gain' for India! Sharp words were exchanged between Maulana Jawaharlal Nehru and Dr S P Mookerjee on 17 February, 1953 in the Lok Sabha. I am giving below the words exchanged by them during the Parliamentary debate:

        Nehru shouted: 'Disgraceful!'

        Dr S P Mukherjee: 'It was nothing but disgraceful!'

        Nehru said indignantly: 'It was disgraceful to have brought in the course of this debate these wild, irresponsible and fantastic charges. This itself shows the nature of the entire speech and the mentality behind it'.

        Dr S P Mukherjee: 'His temper shows more than anything else his incapacity to rule over this country'.

        Nehru: 'I ask the gentleman on the other side to prove that or withdraw his remarks about wine and women'.

        Dr Mukherjee retorted: 'I never said 'women'. I never used that word. I only said 'money and wine'.

        Nehru: 'I ask the member to prove his irresponsible statement'.

        Dr Mukherjee: 'It is no use losing your temper'.

        Nehru: 'It is the hon'ble member's right'.

        Dr Mukherjee: 'IT IS JAWAHARLAL NEHRU'S ETERNAL RIGHT TO LOSE TEMPER'!

Dr S P Mukherjee became a cult figure among all the Hindus of India who had undergone the horrors of partition in 1947-48 in North Western and North Eastern India. His burning patriotism, shining idealism and stark realism had naturally made him a front rank national leader. As he was only in his early 50s at that time, many had hoped that sooner than later he would emerge as the Prime Minister of India. But that was not to be. I cannot help suspecting that he was put to death with the full knowledge and political blessings of Sheik Abdullah and Pundit Jawaharlal Nehru, colluding, collaborating, conspiring and acting together to put an end to the heroic and selfless life of Dr.Shyama Prasad Mukherjee.

I am led to this sad conclusion by the letters which Lady Jogmaya Devi Mukherjee, wife of Sir Ashutosh Mukherjee and mother of Dr S P Mukherjee, exchanged with Pundit Jawaharlal Nehru soon after the death of her son in Srinagar in Kashmir while on illegal detention in May 1953. I have obtained copies of these letters from my esteemed friend V Kalyanam, who worked as personal secretary to Mahatma Gandhi for nearly four years from 1944 to 1948. After a detailed discussion with him I have gathered the following facts which will stand any judicial scrutiny.

In her letter dated 4 July, 1953, Lady Jogmaya Devi Mukherjee wrote to Nehru about her son's death as follows: 'His death is shrouded in mystery. Is it not most astounding and shocking that ever since his detention there, the first information that I, his mother, received from the government of Kashmir was that my son was 'no more', and that also at least two hours after the end? And in what a cruel, cryptic way the message was conveyed! '. A fearless son of free India has met his death while 'in detention without trial' under most tragic and mysterious circumstances. I, THE MOTHER OF THE GREAT DEPARTED SOUL, DEMAND THAT AN ABSOLUTELY IMPARTIAL AND OPEN ENQUIRY BY INDEPENDENT AND COMPETENT PERSONS BE HELD WITHOUT ANY DELAY. I know nothing can bring back to us the life that is no more. But I do want is that the people of India must judge for themselves, the real causes of this great tragedy enacted in a free country and the part that was played by your government'.

Maulana Nehru gave a confused and guarded pseudo-secular reply on 5 July 1953: 'l did not venture to write to you before without going into the matter of Dr Shyama Prasad Mukherjee's detention and death fairly carefully. I have since enquired further into it from a number of persons who had occasion to know 'some facts'. I can only say to you that I arrived at the clear and honest conclusion that there is no mystery in this and that Dr Mookerjee was given every consideration'.

Deeply hurt by the callous and insensitive reply from Pundit Jawaharlal Nehru, Lady Jogmaya Devi Mukherjee wrote back the following rejoinder in her letter dated 9 July, 1953: 'Your letter dated 5th July reached me on the 7th. It is a sad commentary on the whole situation. Instead of helping to clear up the mystery, your attitude deepens it. I demanded an open enquiry. I did not ask 'for your clear and honest conclusion'. Your reaction to the whole affair is now well-known. The people of India and I, the mother, have got to be convinced. There is a rooted suspicion in the mind of many. What is required is 'an open, impartial, immediate enquiry'. The various points raised in my letter remain unanswered. I had clearly told you that I had positive evidence to prove certain very relevant and important facts. You do not care to know or look into them. You say that you had enquired from a number of persons who had occasion to know some facts. It is strange that even we, the members of his family, are not regarded as persons who can at least throw some light on the matter and yet you call your conclusion to be honest'.

'Your experience in jails is known to all. It was at one time a matter of great national pride with us. But you had suffered imprisonment under an alien rule and my son has met his death in detention without trial under a national government. It is futile to address you further. You are afraid to face facts. I hold the Kashmir government responsible for the death of my son. I accuse your government of complicity in the matter'.

As was his wont, Maulana Nehru totally ignored this simple request from the mother of Dr Shyama Prasad Mukherjee who had been his Cabinet colleague just three years earlier and who was a sitting Member of Parliament.

Maulana Nehru’s hatred of Dr.S.P.Mukherjee was a direct outcome of his unquenchable hatred towards the Hindus of India in general and Hindus of East Bengal in particular. No one can dismiss my view as an unfounded and off-the-cuff observation or allegation. To prove my point with formidable documentary evidence which can stand the minutest and severest judicial scrutiny in any Honest Court of Law, I am citing below excerpts from 2 official letters sent by Maulana Nehru to Dr.B.C.Roy, the then Chief Minister of West Bengal on 16 August, 1948 and dated 22 August, 1948:

 
                          JAWAHARLAL NEHRU                        DR.B.C.ROY

JOINT PROMOTERS  AND PATRONS OF HINDU GENOCIDE  IN EAST BENGAL (1947-1962)

Nehru’s Letter dated 16 August, 1948“I have your letter of August 4 about the refugees from East Bengal. “I realize your difficulties and naturally we should do what we can to help you. But as I told you long ago there is no reasonable solution of the problem, if there is a large influx from East Bengal. That is why I have been terribly anxious throughout to prevent this, whatever might happen. I still think that every effort should be made to prevent it. I think it was a very wrong thing for some of the Hindu leaders of East Bengal to come to West Bengal.”

Nehru’s Letter dated 22 August, 1948: “I have been quite certain from the beginning that everything should be done to prevent Hindus in East Bengal from migrating to West Bengal. If that happened on a mass scale it would be a disaster of the first magnitude. Running away is never a solution to a problem. I think the Hindu leaders of East Bengal who have come away have done no service to their people. If, as you suggest, things have gone too far already, naturally we shall all do what we can, but I shudder at the prospect and at the magnitude of the human misery that will come in its train. TO THE LAST, EVEN IF THERE IS WAR, I SHALL TRY TO CHECK MIGRATION.”

Shortly thereafter Dr. Mukherjee resigned and this is what he inter alia told the Lok Sabha on 19th April, 1950 : “My differences are fundamental and it is not fair or honourable for me to continue as a Member of the Government whose policy I cannot approve of. The circumstances that have led to my resignation are primarily concerned with the treatment of minorities in Pakistan especially in East Bengal…The recent Agreement (Nehru-Liaquat Pact), to my mind, offers no solution. The establishment of a homogenous Islamic state is Pakistan's creed and a planned extermination of Hindus and Sikhs and expropriation of their properties constitute its settled policy.”

Dr. Mukherjee gave the following reasons for not being a party to Nehru-Liaquat Agreement :

First We had two such Agreements since Partition for solving the Bengal problem and they were violated by Pakistan without any remedy open to us. Any Agreement which has no sanction will not offer any solution.

Secondly, the crux of the problem is Pakistan's concept of an Islamic State and the ultra-communal administration based on it. The Agreement sidetracks this cardinal issue and we are today exactly where we were previous to the Agreement.

Thirdly - India and Pakistan are made to appear equally guilty, while Pakistan was clearly the aggressor. The Agreement provides that no propaganda will be permitted against the territorial integrity of the two countries and there will be no incitement to war between them. This almost sounds farcical so long as Pakistan troops occupy a portion of our territory of Kashmir and warlike preparations on its part are in active operation.

Fourthly - EVENTS HAVE PROVED THAT HINDUS CANNOT LIVE IN EAST BENGAL ON THE ASSURANCE OF SECURITY GIVEN BY PAKISTAN. WE SHOULD ACCEPT THIS AS A BASIC PROPOSITION. THE PRESENT AGREEMENT ON THE OTHER HAND CALLS UPON MINORITIES TO LOOK UPON PAKISTAN GOVERNMENT FOR THEIR SAFETY AND HONOUR WHICH IS ADDING INSULT TO INJURY AND IS CONTRARY TO ASSURANCES GIVEN BY US PREVIOUSLY.

Fifthly - There is no proposal to compensate those who have suffered nor will the guilty be ever punished, because no one will dare give evidence before a Pakistan Court. This is in accordance with bitter experience in the past.

Sixthly - Hindus will continue to come away in large numbers and those who have come will not be prepared to go back. On the other hand, Muslims who had gone away will now return and in our determination to implement the Agreement, Muslims will not leave India. Our economy will thus be shattered and possible conflict within our country will be greater.

Seventhly - In the garb of protecting minorities in India, the Agreement has reopened the problem of Muslim minority in India, thus seeking to revive those disruptive forces that created Pakistan itself. This principle, carried to its logical conclusions, will create fresh problems for us which strictly speaking are against our very Constitution.

Later on while participating in the debate in Lok Sabha, on 15th November, 1951, on the question of migration of Hindus from East Pakistan, Dr. Mukherjee inter alia said: “The question of the minorities in Pakistan has been settled during the last five years in different ways. So far as West Pakistan is concerned, today it stands virtually denuded of its minority population. During the last fortnight two shiploads of Hindu migrants came from Sind to India and I do not know how many thousands are still there. So far as East Pakistan is concerned, at the time of Partition the population of the Hindu minority was 1 crore and 40 lakhs. According to Government figures, about thirty lakhs have come out during the last five years. We do not accept the accuracy of these figures; but I do not wish to go into the details. If we refer to the last census report of the Pakistan Government itself, it appears that nearly 45 lakh Hindus have come out because according to that census the present Hindu population in East Bengal is about 95 lakhs.

Pacts and agreements were enacted between India and Pakistan on this issue, not once, not twice but thrice and all of us remember vividly the tragic circumstances under which the pact of April 8, 1950 was enacted. But inspite of the flowery language that was used on that occasion, the basic principles of the pact have been violated by Pakistan during the last two and a half years and we have witnessed during the last few months another mass migration… The creation of a homogenous Islamic State was the principal aim of the founder of Pakistan and those who have come into his shoes have carried that into execution in every possible way. Hindus have been deprived of their rights in every sphere - social, cultural, economic, religious and political. They are treated as zimmis.”

Referring to the events on the eve of Partition, Dr. Mukherjee said that : “At that time, I remember I met a number of Congress leaders and especially Gandhiji, and some of us begged of him to appreciate the real point of view, whether it will be possible for the minorities to live in Pakistan in view of the circumstances under which that new country was taking its birth. And we suggested a planned exchange of populations and property at Government level as part of the Partition scheme. He was not willing to accept it. The Congress leaders were not willing to accept it because their viewpoint was that what they were agreeing to was not a communal division of India but a territorial division of India.”

Dr.Shyama Prasad Mukherjee said:” To a Hindu, the arguments advanced by Jawaharlal Nehru, in or outside Parliament, were not convincing. They appeared contrived merely to escape having to take a firm stand against Pakistan. A Prime Minister, strong enough to lead such a large country as India, should have said: ‘Janab Liaquat, either you stop sending out Hindus or we would send a commensurate number of Muslims across your borders. If you indulge in ethnic cleansing, we shall be left with no choice. In any case, it was your party called the Muslim League led by Qaid-e-Azam Jinnah which had repeatedly insisted that there should be an exchange of population. On the other hand, we were generous enough not to press for uprooting people who had lived where they did.’ Gandhi and Nehru perpetrated a fraud on the Hindus of India when they said, that it was a territorial division. The fact of the matter is that as early as 1931 Maulana Mohammad Ali at the first session of the Round Table Conference had told the British Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald that he belonged "to two circles of equal size which are not concentric - one is Indian and the other is the Muslim world. He wrote: ‘We are not nationalists, but super-nationalists and I as a Muslim say that God made man and the Devil made the nation.’ Earlier, Allama Iqbal in his Allahabad address to the Muslim League in 1930 had clearly mentioned the division of Indian Provinces into MUSLIM and HINDU Provinces. The 1940 Lahore Resolution was reiteration of those ideas expressed by Iqbal. RIGHT FROM THE BEGINNING MUSLIM LEADERS HAD WANTED VIVISECTION OF INDIA ON RELIGIOUS LINES. THEREFORE, THE CONGRESS LEADERS' STAND THAT THE BASIS OF INDIA'S DIVISION WAS TERRITORIAL AND NOT RELIGIOUS, IS A FRAUD PERPETRATED BY GANDHI AND NEHRU ON THE HINDUS OF INDIA.”

Government of India, some years ago, appointed the Justice Mukherjee Commission in 1999 to enquire into the mystery concerning the death in 1945 of Netaji Subash Chandra Bose. Dr Shyama Prasad Mukherjee, also a great Bengali, died under mysterious circumstances, as claimed by his own mother soon after his suspicious death. Nehru turned a deaf ear to her because of his romantic passion for Kashmir and Sheik Abdullah on the one hand and his rabid contempt for the Bengali Hindus on the other. All responsible citizens in India should appeal to the government of India to reopen the issue by appointing a Commission of Enquiry to enquire into the mysterious circumstances relating to the death of Dr S P Mukherjee while in illegal detention without any trial in May 1953. The nationalist Bengalis of West Bengal today cannot expect the recently elected anti-Hindu and Islamic government of the bumptious Begum Mamata Banerjee. to speak on their behalf in this matter, any more than what the CPI (M) Government would have done.

The worst fears of Dr.Shyama Prasad Mukherjee expressed in 1951 and 1952 relating to the dreadful, uncertain and deathly future of Hindus in west Bengal have come true today in West Bengal under the virulently anti-Hindu and fanatically Islamic Government of the bumptious Begum Mamata Banerjee.

A few days ago I received an email from UPANANDA BRAHMACHARI under the title Mamata's Bengal : Muslim Bengal. I am giving below the full text of this email which clearly brings out the fact that Begum Mamata Banerjee is hell bent on the whole sale Islamization of West Bengal with the same Islamic fervour as the Government of Begum Khaleda Zia in Bangla Desh. There seems to be an underlying emotional parity between these two virulently Islamic and anti-Kafir (Hindu) Begums.


 
Begum Mamata of West Bengal AND Begum Khaleda Zia of Bangla Desh

TUESDAY, JUNE 14, 2011

10000 contingent Terrorists Hub are given recognition by Govt. of West Bengal.

Upananda Brahmachari || Spotlight Media Service
The newly elected West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee (read Mamtaz Banoo Arjee) has said the state government has decided to give recognition to over 10,000 unrecognized Madrasas in the state.

"We have decided to recognize over 10,000 hitherto unrecognized Madrasas in the state," the chief minister told reporters at the state secretariat. She said that the Madrasas, once recognized, would be eligible to receive central grants under various schemes.

The new state government has already decided to rename the Aliah University as Aliah Madrasa University.
It is a Red Alert for all the Hindus of West Bengal. Because All India Trinamul Congress (AITC) is going to approve or to give easy recognition to these 10,000 Terrorist Manufacturing Industries (Read Madrasa) as soon as possible. By the new declaration of Mamtaz Banoo Arjee (Read Mamata Banerjee) the Islamist in West Bengal will get a tremendous impetus to establish Madrasas here and there. The recognition of which are not any impending thing anymore. The other fact is that the huge amount of “DESTROY INDIA FUND” from ARABIAN COUNTRIES will be available for all these Madrsas, part of which will be utilized for the party fund of Mamata’s party AITC and Sonia’s Congrss as well. This will surely help to destroy ALL THE BENGALI HINDUS.

In these Manufacturing units of Jehadi Terrorists (read Madrasas), QURAN is a must read.

Quran is Terrorist Guide Book, which is taught at the Madrasa with top most veneration and endless priority. Now, please see below some sample of Terrorism in Quran:
For promotion of War: 9/60, 2/216, 8/14-14, 8/65, 17/16, 4/116, 8/67, 9/14, 9/73 with 66/9
For promotion of Violence: 8/65-66
Order of merciless killing of non-Muslims: 47/4, 33/61
Murder of non-believers & to show harshness by it: 9/123
Fire and stones for the Kafirs: 2/24, 2/39, 2/81, 5/10
Allah instills terror in the heart of Kafirs (Hindus and non-believers): 8/12
Allah is the enemy of the Kafirs: 2/98
To fight those who do not accept Islam: 9/73, 2/193, 9/12, 9/14
Jihad until Islam is established: 8/39, 2/193, 9/29
Process of Jihad : 8/12-13, 4/56, 2/191, 4/89, 47/4, 5/33, 33/61, 61/4, 4/8-29
PLEASE READ THE ABOVE MENTIONED SURA & AYAT IN QURAN.

By the by, Mamtaz Banoo Arjee is also going to declare Urdu as second language where the 10% Urdu spoken Muslims reside anyway. The establishment four campus of Aligarh University in West Bengal are also in priority considerations of the newly formed West Bengal Government with 20% reservation for the Muslim brethren of Mamta Banerjee. The Govt. is also thinking of a good package for the Imams and Muezzins of all the Mosques to ensure a Muslim Bengal in West Bengal to drive away all the Hindus from here just like Taslima Nasrin.

After taking the charge, the then Chief Minister of West Bengal, Buddhadev Bhattacharya questioned the role of Madrasas along the state borderline with Bangladesh for suspected spouting of cross-border terrorism for which he was criticized by the fundamental Muslim pressure groups within CPIM and other political parties. Mamata Banerjee is now making an ideal situation for Muslim Bengal with a great dedication by kicking ruthlessly upon the face of Bengali Hindus in West Bengal.



 
       


       ISLAMIC SONIA CONGRESS TERRORISTS OF BENGAL



                         JYOTI BASU           BUDDHADEB BHATTACHARJEE



ISLAMIC MARXIST TERRORISTS OF BENGAL



GOD SAVE THE BENGALIS AND BENGAL ! GOD SAVE THE HELPLESS ,HOPELESS HINDUS OF BENGAL!! THEY HAVE VERY LITTLE TO CHOOSE BETWEEN THE TERRORIZING ISLAMIC MARXIST COMMUNIST PARTY, THE TERRORIZING ISLAMIC SONIA CONGRESS PARTY OF PRANAB MUKHERJEE AND THE ISLAMIC TRINAMOOL CONGRESS PARTY OF MAMATA BANERJEE!!!